The whistle has blown on traditional rugby eligibility. Again. The latest changes from World Rugby, effective January 1, 2022, weren’t subtle. They sliced through old certainties, allowing players to pull on a different national jersey – once – provided they or a parent or grandparent were born there, and they’ve spent three years in the international wilderness. It’s a pragmatic adjustment for a global game, but pragmatism often comes with a price.
World Rugby Chairman Sir Bill Beaumont pitched it as a “huge boost to the global game,” promising to “boost the competitiveness of emerging nations”. New Zealand Rugby CEO Mark Robinson echoed the sentiment, specifically citing the positive effect on Pacific Island neighbors. The idea is simple: let talent flow back to its roots, strengthening the sport worldwide.
The Upside: Coming Home, and the Global Game
For players like Jean Kleyn, the rule change was a lifeline. Born in South Africa, he moved to Ireland at 22 to play for Munster after a call from Rassie Erasmus. He went on to represent Ireland, making his first international appearance just two days after becoming eligible and playing in a World Cup for his adopted country. Then, after falling out of favor with the new Irish coach, came another call from Erasmus, this time for the Springboks. After his three-year stand-down, Kleyn was back in the green and gold, representing the country he identified with his entire life. He didn’t just play; he won a World Cup, a dream come true he never imagined. His story is a clear win for the new rules, a narrative of a player returning to his blood to his core. Despite having an Irish wife, son, and dogs, and living there for eight years, the opportunity to win the World Cup with his home country meant a whole awful lot. He noted the incredibly positive reception from his Monster teammates, who were delighted he got the opportunity to play internationally again.
The Pacific Island nations are indeed poised to gain. World Rugby expects these rule changes to primarily benefit them and other Tier 2 or 3 nations. Imagine Charles Piutau, with 17 All Black caps, now free to represent Tonga. Or Israel Folau, George Moala, and Vaea Fifita doing the same. Samoa could see the likes of Lima Sopoaga, Steven Luatua, Julian Savea, and Denny Solomona. Even England’s Billy and Mako Vunipola, and Manu Tuilagi, could potentially play for Tonga and Samoa respectively. These are not minor talents. Their inclusion could transform Tier 2 nations, making contests more competitive and unpredictable. Samoa and Tonga have already been notable benefactors from previous eligibility shifts. Historically, before 2000, players could play for more than one country without a stand-down period, and the current rules represent a return to some of that flexibility.
The Downside: Convenience, Authenticity, and Shifting Loyalties
But every coin has two sides. Critics see not a return to roots, but an alliance of convenience. The concern isn’t new; the debate over project players – individuals qualifying through residency rather than birth or deep ancestral ties – has long simmered.
Consider Ollie Hassell-Collins, an English player with two Six Nations caps who, after falling out of England’s favor, is now eyeing Wales through a Welsh grandmother. For some, this isn’t passion; it’s a ruse, a convenient contingency. The question it raises is stark: what defines a national player? Is it birth, residency, ancestry, or the jersey you wear when a better offer comes along? This sentiment is echoed in public debate, questioning whether a player who moves for a fat stack and gets picked for a national team truly has a connection to that nation.
The philosophical underpinnings of inter-national sport themselves are challenged. John Gleaves and Matthew Llewellyn argue that competitions based on nation-states often create inauthentic narratives, promoting falsehoods disguised as truths. When a national team succeeds, the victory is often universalized, creating a false sense of collective prowess for every citizen. The 1980 capitalism defeats communism narrative after the US hockey team beat the Soviet Union is one example of this. Similarly, stereotypes like beautiful and free-flowing Brazilians or industrious and organized Germans are perpetuated. If athletes are meant to represent an imagined community, then their performances might create a story that has only the most tenuous link to individuals within that nation. Gleaves and Llewellyn assert that these false narratives are a fundamental part of inter-national sport, as the success or failure of representatives does not genuinely compute back to individuals in the community.
Some data points reflect this complex reality. The 2025 Rugby Championship rosters show significant variations in foreign-born players. Argentina and South Africa, for instance, boast 0% foreign-born players, with 97.4% and 100% homegrown respectively. This suggests robust domestic development. South Africa, for example, named a 37-man roster for the opening matches of the 2025 Rugby Championship with all players born and raised in South Africa. Contrast this with New Zealand, whose foreign-born contingent rose from 15.3% in 2024 to 25.6% in 2025 (11 out of 43 players), making them the team with the most foreign-born players on their roster. Australia sits at 23.8% foreign-born. Players like New Zealand’s Tyrel Lomax (lived in Australia between 13-21) and Tamaiti Williams (learned rugby in Australia) highlight complex development paths. Alex Hodgman, a New Zealand-born prop, even made an allegiance change to play for Australia, despite being eligible for Samoa via his mother, questioning the global game vision.
The 2025 Six Nations highlights the disparity even more sharply. Scotland had a striking 45.8% foreign-born players (22 out of 48), with only 56.2% homegrown. Jack Dempsey, born in Australia, played for the Wallabies in 2017-2019 before making his debut for Scotland in 2022 through ancestry after a three-year stand-down. Ireland had 24.3% foreign-born (9 out of 37). Wales had 30.0% foreign-born (12 out of 40), including England-born Henry Thomas. France and England were much lower, at 13.3% and 6.8% foreign-born respectively. These numbers illustrate a sport where national identity on the field is anything but uniform, fueling public debates on the legitimacy of these selections, particularly concerning the grandparent rule versus the residency rule. The residency rule itself was increased from three to five years in 2017 (effective 2020 but delayed until 2021 due to COVID-19) in an attempt to curtail “project players”.
Beyond identity, there’s the harsh reality of “war minus the shooting,” a phrase George Orwell used to describe the darker side of inter-national competition. Victories can fuel national chauvinism and xenophobia, exacerbating old hatreds and driving wedges between nations. The raw, partisan emotion of a national victory, while thrilling, often eclipses a deeper appreciation for the sport’s aesthetic qualities, leading to a 90-minute nationalism that diminishes the overall enjoyment of elite athletic performance. Furthermore, limiting the number of athletes a country can send to international events, such as three per event in Olympic track and field or one team per tournament like the World Cup, can mean that genuinely superior athletes are left out due to their nationality, not their merit, undermining the goal of athletic supremacy.
The Future: A Global Sport, or a Fragmented Identity?
The eligibility rules will continue to evolve. They have always done so, from pre-2000 days of no stand-down periods to the shift from a one country rule in 2000, and various residency requirements. World Rugby wants to increase viewership and market penetration, as evidenced by the USA being a frontrunner for the 2031 World Cup, following Australia for 2027. This means a continued push for a more global game, potentially seeing South Africa join the Six Nations due to more favorable time zones and a larger viewership market.
But what kind of global game? The authors Gleaves and Llewellyn argue for a diminished role for nationalism in elite sport altogether, advocating for club-based competition models like the Champion’s League or Tour de France, where national status be irrelevant to the sporting competition. In such models, athletes would still have national origins, fostering soft national narratives – pride in a compatriot’s success without the burden of cultural representation or inauthentic claims of shared prowess. They argue that such a shift could reduce the national arms race for technological advances and lessen the financial pressures on unsustainable mega-events.
This vision suggests a future where player identities are more fluid, reflecting the globalized world. Players might be free to represent the nation where they were developed, the nation of their birth, or even a nation through deep ancestral ties, without the specter of betrayal or opportunism. The ambition is a sport where the best genuinely compete against the best, unhindered by arbitrary national quotas that might leave superior athletes sidelined simply due to their passport.
The game of rugby, it seems, is wrestling with its own identity. It’s a sport built on ancient rivalries and deep national pride, yet increasingly populated by players whose loyalties, training, and heritage crisscross the globe. The eligibility rules are merely a reflection of this larger, ongoing negotiation. The impact? More fluidity, more talent spread, more debate. The outcome is far from certain, but one thing is clear: the concept of nation in rugby is more complex than it has ever been.

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